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jauhari Oratmangun didn’t need much time to understand how much Russian people knew about Indonesia. In the first couple of weeks after assuming the position of Indonesian Ambassador to the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus, Djauhari used his time to not only discuss bilateral policy with high-ranking officials in the Kremlin and Foreign Ministry, but also to meet ordinary people.

He found out that the historical and emotional legacy between the two countries was still alive. Talking with people in their 60s or 70s, they recalled president Sukarno as a prominent leader. Those who had learned Indonesian could still speak the language fluently.

With young people, he was surprised to find two rock bands called “Indonesia” and “Sumatra”, with both using guitars made-in-Indonesia. They knew about Indonesia from their parents, although they had never been themselves. Also, a well-known fashion designer, Tatiana, whose father is Indonesian, had introduced batik in the designs of her outfits.

“Those examples are remarkable. It means a transfer of knowledge from generation to generation,” Djauhari, a former Foreign Ministry general director for ASEAN, told The Jakarta Post recently.

Djauhari concluded that Russia knew more about Indonesia than the other way round. Russia keeps Indonesia in mind by developing Indonesian studies at five universities in Petersburg, Moscow and Vladivostok, while Indonesia has only two Russian studies courses across the country.  

Many Indonesians still see Russia as it was in the Soviet Union era, governed by a centralized government. “In fact, Russia has changed from what we thought 30 years ago,” Djauhari said.

Russia has emerged from a decade of post-Soviet economic and political turmoil to reassert itself as a world power. A permanent member of UN Security Council, Russia currently belongs to influential groups such as G-8 and G-20. It also actively engages in the Asia-Pacific region through ASEAN-Russia dialogue, APEC, the ASEAN Regional Forum and the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM).

Russia is also a member of an emerging power grouping, BRIC, together with Brazil, India and China. In the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, Russia has an observer status. Last year, Russia joined the East Asia Summit.

Those accomplishments have underlined Russia’s key position in global geopolitics. However,
Indonesia still sees Russia through a Cold War mind-set. Knowledge of Russia is limited here, due to past experiences of a failed coup in 1965, followed by anticommunist purge. The upheaval led to the downfall of president Sukarno and elimination of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). The once intimate relation was suddenly shattered. Ever since that day, everything associated with communism was banned.

Past stigmatization against Russia as a communist state, according to Djauhari, has contributed to impeding intense interactions. It is reflected in the level of bilateral cooperation. In education, for example, only 128 Indonesians study in Russia; compare to Malaysia, with its 28 million population, which has sent 3,000 young people to study. There are 10,000 Vietnamese students in Russia.

If we consider Russia as a global player, then we should work hard to fill in the gap made by our own false perceptions for more than 30 years. “We used to have good cooperation, why don’t we get it back? If we want to play a key role in the region, then we have to prepare ourselves. Otherwise, Indonesia will be perceived as ‘too Western’ and will be left behind. It worries me.”

For Djauhari, the first thing to do is to break this false perception. Secondly, Indonesia should revitalize a strategic alliance with Russia and make use of several regional forums, in which Indonesia and Russia are members, to contribute for common prosperity.

Building a strategic alliance will raise Indonesia’s bargaining power in regional and global geopolitics, which will eventually bring economic benefits. “If diplomacy has an economic benefit, it is to increase exports so we can start from this point.”

When Djauhari submitted his letter of credentials on Feb. 22, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev said that Russia and Indonesia could forge a common effort to promote stability in the Asia-Pacific region. The statement was seen as a recognition of Indonesia’s role in the region. Medvedev also highlighted four main areas of cooperation to be developed in the coming years: trade, infrastructure, science and technology and education.

Being the head of mission, Djauhari pointed out that now his duty was to utilize historical ties into a stronger level of cooperation. Bilateral trade is worth US$2 billion. It is still low, given the potency Russia has.

Other opportunities should be explored. Russia has 25 million Muslims within its population, 19 percent of its overall population. “This is a potential market to intensify trade cooperation.”

A surge in the number of Russian tourists over the past five years, from 20,000 to 100,000, has brought another opportunity, as they mostly stay for more than 14 days in Bali and Lombok. ”We should introduce ourselves beyond Bali. They are big spending, middle-class tourists.”

Russia can also rebuild the sea laboratory at Pattimura University, which was developed by Russia but suspended for 30 years.

During his tenure, Djauhari, who was born in Beo, North Sulawesi, on July 22, 1957, committed to reintroduce Russia to Indonesian people. In his short visit for the ambassadorial meeting with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in Jakarta last week, Djauhari had a chance to give lectures and to attend seminars to explain to audiences about “the real Russia” and explore opportunities for strengthening cooperation. For Djauhari, this relation should be revitalized as “old friends in a new era”, he said, citing a book’s title.