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Commentary: As Sunni-Shia conflict simmers, RI must become beacon of sanity

Indonesia must become a beacon of sanity amid the simmering conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran, which have exploited an ancient religious schism to advance their respective interests in a power struggle within the Islamic world

Ary Hermawan (The Jakarta Post)
Tucson, Arizona
Thu, January 7, 2016

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Commentary: As Sunni-Shia conflict simmers, RI must become beacon of sanity

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ndonesia must become a beacon of sanity amid the simmering conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran, which have exploited an ancient religious schism to advance their respective interests in a power struggle within the Islamic world.

The Sunni-Shia divide started centuries ago, but the recent escalation between the two major Islamic denominations was triggered more by politics than renewed debates on Islamic history and theology. The government must do what it can to keep the country '€” which hosts the world'€™s largest Muslim population '€” from getting sucked into this senseless conflict.

It is not unreasonable for Indonesia to be wary of the impacts of the latest spat between Riyadh and Tehran, which was sparked by the execution of the prominent Shia cleric Nimr al-Nimr by the Saudi kingdom, and the burning of the Saudi embassy in Tehran by Iranians protesting al-Nimr'€™s execution.

While analysts often tout Indonesia as a model for democracy in the Islamic world, Jakarta still falls short of protecting its minorities.

Displaced Shias (yes, we have internally displaced persons) in Sidoarjo, East Java, are still languishing and can not return to their homes in Sampang, Madura, as they are still facing threats of violence from Sunni neighbors.

With the Saudi-Iranian conflict intensifying, fueling the fantasy of an all-out war between Sunni and Shiites among some Indonesians, the fate of the local Shiites is becoming more precarious. In 2012, the Indonesian Ahlul Bait Association (IJABI), a Shia group, put the number of followers between 2.5 million and 5 million.

Dealing with communal conflict is not easy. Indonesian police may have done a relatively good job in routing terrorism, but they are largely incompetent in containing mob violence.

In recent raids, the police'€™s counterterrorism squad arrested and shot dead several people accused of having links to the Islamic State (IS) movement and of planning attacks on the Shiites, who are considered to be a fair target by all Sunni extremist groups. Critics say such a success was possible only because the counterterrorism squad works with virtual impunity.

The case is different when they deal with a violent mob. Shiites, Ahmadis and Christians who have become victims of religious intolerance are all too familiar with police inaction in the face of mass violence.

 The enmity against Shiism and also the Wahhabism (Saudi Arabia'€™s official ideology) in Indonesia did not happen naturally. It has grown by design. Both the Saudi kingdom and the Iranian republic have spent a lot of money to demonize each other.

The anti-Shia pogrom, probably funded by Saudi Arabia, has been going on for years and has virtually become a staple in Indonesia'€™s social media pages. The anti-Wahhabi pogrom is a more recent phenomenon, but has gained traction among Indonesian Muslims who are wary of what they perceive as the Salafization of Indonesian Islam.

It is not known if Iran was behind the rising anti-Wahhabi pogrom in Indonesia, but popular sites such as arrahmahnews.com and voa-islamnews.com (do not confuse them with anti-Shia websites arrahmah.com and voa-islam.com) are obviously pro-Tehran. Some of them seem to be affiliated with moderate Sunni groups such as Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Indonesia'€™s largest Islamic organization, which shares the same concerns about the rising influence of Wahhabism and takfiri groups.

This is a worrying trend, as the intensifying anti-Wahhabi propaganda may only fuel Sunni-Shia polarization among Indonesian Muslims. It may prevent some people from falling into Saudi propaganda, but it may also provoke anti-Shia Muslims in Indonesia to become more militant, if not more violent, in the face of an apparent '€œIranian'€ or '€œShia plot'€ in Indonesia.

The fact that Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and Iranian-backed militia groups like Hezbollah and al-Hashd al-Shaabi often escape the criticism of local moderate and liberal Sunni Muslims, who are mostly anti-Wahhabism, has also led to accusations that they are pro-Iran, if not closeted Shia themselves. This may create a sense that Shia influence in Indonesia is greater than it actually is.

There is perhaps nothing more convoluted than Middle Eastern politics. Global and regional powers seem to be equally culpable for humanitarian disasters there. There is no reason for Indonesia to recklessly wade into it.

The government therefore made a wise decision not to join the newly formed Saudi Arabia-led coalition to fight terrorism, as it is unclear which terror groups it is fighting and how it will do it. After all, with the absence of Tehran, Damascus and Baghdad, the Saudi coalition looks more like an anti-Shia club.

But this does not mean Indonesia should become isolationist. As a democracy, Indonesia should promote foreign policies that are in line with democratic principles and human rights. The recent executions of foreign drug convicts by the Joko '€œJokowi'€ Widodo administration may tarnish the government'€™s human rights credentials, but let that be a lesson to learn. To prevent the spread of sectarianism, the government should be more assertive in promoting democracy and sanity in the Islamic world.

Indonesia, for instance, should have condemned or at least regretted the senseless execution of al-Nimr. Not only was he a non-violent dissident, he was a respected Shia cleric whose execution would only ignite the anger of Shia Muslims and inflame the heated Sunni-Shia relations in some Muslim countries.

Indonesia must also specifically call for an end to the use of sectarianism for political purposes by Riyadh and Tehran, which has caused instability in many countries, including possibly on its own soil.

The government must protect its citizens regardless of their beliefs. It is obliged to protect all Shia citizens, who may now face a greater threat. It must rein in local Sunni extremists and support the mainstream Islamic groups that abhor violence.

As co-founder of the Non-Aligned Movement, Indonesia should remain neutral and encourage other Muslim majority nations to act the same in the cold war between Saudi Arabia and Iran. And if it is too much to ask for Indonesia '€” which is struggling to keep its own human rights record clean '€” to become a beacon of sanity, then at least it should not allow itself to get involved in a religiously tinged conflict. It'€™s now 2016 '€” why are we going for a religious war?
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The author is a staff writer at The Jakarta Post.

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