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Gibran’s impeachment: Between constitutional instrument and political pressure tool

The impeachment issue could be kept alive as a strategic card for the 2029 presidential race, when Prabowo and Gibran may collide, rather than coalesce.

Gde Siriana Yusuf (The Jakarta Post)
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Wed, July 9, 2025 Published on Jul. 7, 2025 Published on 2025-07-07T14:21:50+07:00

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Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka attends the commemoration of Pancasila Day at the Pancasila Building, a historic hall within the Foreign Ministry's compound, in Jakarta on June 2. Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka attends the commemoration of Pancasila Day at the Pancasila Building, a historic hall within the Foreign Ministry's compound, in Jakarta on June 2. (AFP/Yasuyoshi Chiba)

C

alls for the impeachment of Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka have resurfaced following a formal letter submitted to the House of Representatives by a group of retired military generals. While the move may seem startling, it reflects the unstable political dynamics in the post-election period. Tensions among political elites, the unfinished transition from the era of former president Joko “Jokowi” Widodo to that of President Prabowo Subianto and suspicions surrounding political dynasties form a critical backdrop to this issue.

From the outset of his candidacy, Gibran has faced fierce criticism. The Constitutional Court’s sudden ruling to alter the age requirement for presidential and vice presidential candidates, midway through the election process, was widely seen as legal engineering designed to pave the way for Gibran’s nomination as Prabowo’s running mate. Notably, he was fast-tracked from mayor of Surakarta, without even completing a full five-year term, to the second-highest office in the country.

That ruling was later deemed unethical by the Constitutional Court’s Honorary Council. Yet no legal or political correction followed. Gibran ran and won. For many, this left a deep scar on the practice of democracy and set a dangerous precedent for the constitutional order.

Under Indonesia’s presidential system of government, impeachment cannot be initiated lightly. Article 7A of the 1945 Constitution states that the president or vice president may only be removed if found guilty of serious legal violations, such as treason, corruption, bribery, other major crimes or disgraceful acts, as well as if they no longer meet the qualifications for office.

The process is lengthy. The House must initiate the proposal, the Constitutional Court must examine and rule on the charges and the final decision lies with the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR). With the Prabowo-Gibran coalition dominating the House, the mathematical odds of an impeachment motion succeeding are exceedingly slim.

The submission of a letter by the Forum of Retired TNI Officers to the House’s Secretariat General is a noteworthy political development. On one hand, the letter does not meet constitutional criteria to trigger impeachment proceedings. On the other hand, it cannot just be dismissed or ignored.

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First, it originates from a group of retired elites who have historically played a significant informal role in the country’s power structure. Second, the content of the letter echoes sentiments in parts of civil society: Dissatisfaction with the electoral process, concerns about nepotism and unease over the growing political dominance of the Jokowi family.

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