The protests were triggered by the plans of well-paid politicians in the House of Representatives to enormously increase their housing allowances. Their subsequent ridicule of public criticism only inflamed the situation.

When the protests resulted in casualties, in particular, the death of a motorcycle taxi (ojol) driver run over by a police vehicle, public anger grew, leading to riots. Public buildings, including police stations and regional legislatures, were set on fire, and the homes of some prominent politicians looted.

Police have since launched a huge crackdown involving a systematic hunt for activists.

By late September, the police had detained thousands of protesters and named 959 suspects. They included 295 children, mostly high school students.

Among those who have been detained are young activists who played a significant role in organizing and promoting the protests. These include Delpedro Marhaen, head of the human rights organization Lokataru Foundation, Syahdan Husein, an activist associated with the student movement Gejayan Memanggil and Muhammad Fakhrurrozi, an activist affiliated with the Social Movement Institute in Yogyakarta.

They have all been charged with incitement of violence under the Criminal Code and the vaguely worded Electronic Information and Transactions Law.

A TikToker, Figha Lesmana, also faces charges of incitement for posting an innocuous video calling on people to join the protests.

In addition, civil society organizations claim two people disappeared during a protest in Jakarta on Aug. 29. Police say they are still trying to locate them.

Coordinating Law, Human Rights, Immigration and Correctional Services Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra has defended the police. He claims it would be impossible for police to arrest thousands of individuals without just cause.

However, civil society organizations say this is exactly what happened, citing the absence of a clear legal basis for many arrests, along with accusations of police misconduct. Legal aid activists say some activists were allegedly tortured to obtain forced confessions of involvement in the riots.

Rights groups also say police are seizing books they claim are subversive to use as evidence to support their arrests. These include works by Oscar Wilde and respected priest Franz Magnis-Suseno.

These groups say the suspects have also been denied the right to choose their own lawyers, instead being forced to use those selected by the police.

President Prabowo Subianto’s office has issued no statements on the arrests of civil society leaders. Prabowo is, however, appointing a commission to accelerate reform of the national police following public demands in the wake of the protests.

The national police chief has also established a new group tasked with reforming the force, comprised of more than 50 officers and advised by academics and NGO activists.

However, civil society groups have questioned the clarity and seriousness of these reform efforts, especially considering the vast majority of the members of the latter group are police themselves.

In addition, the police chief has recently issued a new regulation expanding the use of coercive measures, including firearms, in response to so-called “attacks” on the police.

Many fear this will be used to justify excessive use of force against future protestors.

It is unlikely the August protests will be the last. None of the underlying issues that triggered them, poor policy-making, growing poverty, the greed of politicians and police misconduct, have been resolved. The protesters’ demands, summarized in their manifesto, remain largely unaddressed.

In fact, the recent arrests suggest authorities expect more trouble. Although many of those arrested were subsequently released, their detentions still serve as an intimidating warning to civil society.

The authorities clearly believe the protest movement can expand its influence through social media. So their actions are, in fact, aimed at the broader public, particularly high school and university students, who might otherwise back future protests led by the activists.

Moreover, the arrests have kept civil society groups busy addressing the criminal charges faced by hundreds of detainees. This has diverted attention from the primary objectives of the broader protest movement.

The crackdown has major implications for Indonesia’s future. Civil society organizations are the engines for policy development in the country. They also play a vital role in monitoring the government and holding it to account.

The democratic regression Indonesia has experienced over the last decade has undermined many of the checks and balances that constrained earlier administrations. If civil society now becomes unable to act freely, there will be very little left to rein in the politicians whose misbehavior sparked the riots in the first place.

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Rafiqa Qurrata A'yun is an assistant professor at University of Indonesia and an associate at the Centre for Indonesian Law and Islam Society (CILIS) at The University of Melbourne. Tim Lindsey is The University of Melbourne’s Malcolm Smith Professor of Asian Law and CILIS director. The article is republished under a Creative Commons license.