More than 100 vehicles belonging to the Army will be deployed around the palace. The highlight, however, will be the fly past of eight helicopters and 18 jet fighters over the Presidential Palace compound.

While the Navy is perhaps underrepresented during the ceremony, there have been efforts to strengthen the guardian of the sea.

Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto, for example, has just signed the contract for two Arrowhead frigates with British shipyard Babcock in September while in June he signed a contract with Italian shipyard Fincantieri for six new FREMM multipurpose frigates and two used Maestrale frigates. In November 2020, the Navy started the construction of two MHV-60 mine countermeasure vessels at German shipyard Abeking & Rasmussen.

Prabowo has also announced plans to buy 36 French-made Rafale and eight US-made F-15 Eagle II jet fighters.

Indonesia also still has a pending contract to buy 11 Russian-made Su-35 Super Flankers, although it seems that Jakarta has no balls facing Washington’s wrath with the dreaded Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA).  

Strengthening the Navy and Air Force is imperative especially with latest developments in Indonesia’s strategic environment, and Australia’s decision to procure nuclear-powered submarines from either the United Kingdom or the US, as a result of the trilateral Anglosphere defense pact AUKUS.

Canberra must have been worried facing assertive Beijing with its growing muscle for Prime Minister Scott Morrison to ditch the long standing no-nuke policy.

Whatever the reason behind Australia’s procurement of the nuclear submarines, the consequences for Indonesia are clear. With an ever changing strategic environment, the TNI must be ready to face any challenge by using the appropriate technologies as force multipliers and to project power.

The Navy, for example, must be able to monitor all vessels, surface or submarine, passing through Indonesian waters, not only along the three Archipelagic Sea Lane of Indonesia (ALKI) and Indonesia’s exclusive economic zone but more importantly inside our own territorial and archipelagic waters.

So far, both the Navy and Air Force already operate aircraft for maritime patrol missions.

The COVID-19 pandemic has shown that the TNI must also improve its capabilities in chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear (CBRN) warfare. Such capabilities can be used not only during wartime but also equipping the TNI as first responders during future pandemics.

Other capabilities the TNI badly need are network-centric warfare and cyberwarfare, as future warfare is most likely to be launched by a group of people sitting inside an air conditioned room pushing some buttons and with their eyes glued to glaring displays.

Given the complexity of future challenges, it is high time for the TNI to leave its comfort zone – handling too many non-defense matters, and focus on external threats to the country’s territorial integrity.

It is only fair to the TNI that the national leadership steps up its game by providing clear direction toward building a modern and professional defense force. It is also a necessity for the TNI chief to share his or her responsibilities with a deputy as stipulated in Presidential Regulation No. 65/2019 on the TNI structure.  

Happy birthday TNI.