At the end of the recent House of Representatives’ sitting session, Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa submitted a bill on the ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT).  

In the current session, the House’s Commission I on foreign affairs and defense is opening opportunities to all stakeholders, including scholars, NGO activists and public figures, to provide input.

Input recently came from the National Atomic Energy Agency (Batan) and Nuclear Energy Regulatory Agency (Bapeten ). For the majority of the Commission I, it is not an issue of whether or not to ratify this international treaty but more about when and how to go about doing it in the best manner possible.

As Indonesia does not have any ambition of manufacturing nuclear weapons of its own, this is not a difficult decision to make.

The challenge, rather, is how Indonesia’s eagerness to ratify the CTBT can contribute to the treaty’s implementation, without any particular nation receiving special privileges in the process, regardless of the argument put forward to avoid due compliance.

We can take a lesson from the experience of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), which was aimed at preventing competition among nations in the development of superior stockpiles of nuclear weapons, disarming nations that already possessed such devices, as well as directing the use of nuclear technology exclusively toward peaceful objectives.  


“
The very act of Indonesia coming out in favor of ratification would increase
its international
reputation.
    ”

In reality, the NPT, which was first opened for signature in 1968, failed to achieve its declared objective.

First, it had its flaws from the outset. The five nations that already had nuclear weapons were given the right to remain in possession of the weapons of mass destruction.

Second, in the matter of disarmament, there was no clear deadline and no penalties for those that did not comply. As a result, the treaty has effectively been running in place up to the present day.

Third, nations that later went on to build nuclear weapons have never been penalized. Even if a particular nation was penalized, this was more due to preferential treatment. Meanwhile, the countries that had actually ratified the treaty were placed under the strict supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), and were always in danger of being penalized.  

Practically speaking, the plan to gradually eliminate nuclear weapons from Earth has not made any tangible progress.

The text of the CTBT, which includes a ban on all test detonations of nuclear weapons and all other types of nuclear detonations, with the ultimate objective of total nuclear disarmament, was finally completed in 1996 at the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva, and was adopted by a UN General Assembly in the same year.

At present, 182 nations have signed this agreement. There are 44 nations with nuclear reactors that are listed in Annex 2 of the CTBT, including Indonesia.

To date, only 35 nations have ratified the treaty. This means nine countries have not yet ratified it, including Indonesia.

Looking at these facts, Indonesia should view this as an opportunity. If the Indonesian Foreign Ministry would undertake some effort to lobby the other eight nations, in order for all of them to ratify it at the same time, Indonesia would certainly become highly respected, apart from demonstrating its seriousness in carrying out exceedingly noble humanitarian work.  

The decision to do so does not have much chance of succeeding, based on the fact that most of the nations that have not ratified the treaty are large and powerful, and they secretly want to hold on to and exploit their nuclear weapons as a deterrent against competing nations
However, the very act of Indonesia coming out in favor of ratification would increase its international reputation. This is because it would be a tremendous achievement if the effort is successful. So why not go ahead and try it?


The writer is a member of the House of Representatives’ Commission I on foreign affairs and defense.

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