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View all search resultsWhen prosecutors become prosecuted
President Prabowo Subianto's response to call for "introspection" from the military, police and prosecutors is not enough.
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Then-assistant attorney general for special crimes (Jampidsus) Febrie Adriansyah (center) talks to journalists during a press briefing at the Attorney General’s Office (AGO) building in South Jakarta on July 10, 2026. (Antara/Asprilla Dwi Adha)
T
he numbers that came out of a house in Sentul, West Java on July 9 was in no way chump change: 74 kilograms of gold bars, nearly US$5 million in cash, S$14 million more, seized by the National Police's Corruption Eradication Corps (Kortastipidkor) from a property linked to Febrie Adriansyah, who was at the time still the nation's chief special crimes prosecutor.
Within hours, dozens of soldiers were guarding Febrie's South Jakarta home and military operatives had reportedly shown up at the Jakarta Police headquarters, where the evidence was stored.
Febrie has since resigned and named a graft suspect.
This is a snapshot of Indonesia's justice system in 2026. To borrow from a local saying pagar makan tanaman, the fence has started eating the plants it supposed to protect
The Attorney General's Office (AGO) had spent months building graft cases against ranked officers embedded in the free nutritious meals program and in immigration services.
The police responded by targeting the assistant attorney general himself, using three cases, the Sumatra blackout coal supply scandal, the Asabri pension case and the Krakatau Steel subsidiary debt scheme, as leverage.
The military then inserted itself into what should be a civilian legal process.
