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Jakarta Post

The felling of the banyan tree

Not only did he give up his presidential bid for Prabowo, but he also put Golkar’s image on the line for following the orders of the ruler, seemingly ignoring democratic values. 

Editorial board (The Jakarta Post)
Jakarta
Tue, August 13, 2024 Published on Aug. 12, 2024 Published on 2024-08-12T19:59:27+07:00

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The felling of the banyan tree Coordinating Economic Minister Airlangga Hartarto and Investment Minister Bahlil Lahadalia pose for the media on Aug. 11, 2014, before attending the first cabinet meeting at the Nusantara Capital City (IKN) in East Kalimantan. (Antara/Mentari Dwi Gayati )
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O

ur founding fathers chose the banyan tree as the symbol of the third pillar of state ideology Pancasila – Indonesian unity, most likely because of its longevity and its enormous size, which provides shelter. The tree also represents Golkar Party for the same reasons, as it claims to serve the political aspirations of people from all walks of life.

But the past decade or so has born witness to Golkar becoming a mere political tool of the power establishment at the expense of its founding values, its constituents and more importantly, the country’s young democracy. As the party’s elite see power as the only currency, Golkar has simply followed the tune of the regime, with all the consequences, including the replacement of the chairman who could not fulfill the wishes of the ruler.

Golkar chairman Airlangga Hartarto’s resignation on Sunday, while shocking, was not unpredicted. Airlangga’s departure means the party’s top job has changed hands four times in the past 10 years, excluding the dual leadership in 2016. In sum, the party has been fraught with a power struggle which ended with the winner pledging loyalty to the government.

Airlangga’s decision to step down came just two months before the transition from President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo to president-elect Prabowo Subianto, which Airlangga has helped prepare as part of the Onward Indonesia Coalition (KIM). As coordinating economic minister, Airlangga initiated a simulation for Prabowo’s free school lunch program, which will be his flagship program after he takes office in October.

Golkar, in particular Airlangga, played a key role in paving the way for Prabowo’s ascent by forming the United Indonesia Coalition, which was later renamed KIM, and nominated the Gerindra chairman for the presidential race, certainly upon President Jokowi’s request.

Golkar under Airlangga was also the first political party to officially nominate Gibran Rakabuming Raka, Jokowi’s eldest son and the Surakarta mayor, as Prabowo’s running mate. Gibran’s candidacy followed a controversial Constitutional Court decision to change the age limit set by the Elections Law for presidential and vice presidential candidates.

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As chairman of a pro-government party, Airlangga’s “sacrifice” is deemed extraordinary. Not only did he give up his presidential bid for Prabowo, but he also put Golkar’s image on the line for following the orders of the ruler, seemingly ignoring democratic values. We recall Airlangga’s support for the idea to extend Jokowi’s presidential term, which eventually failed.

In a video statement, Airlangga said he had stepped down from his position on Saturday evening to “maintain Golkar’s integrity in ensuring the stability of the government transition that will soon occur”. He did not elaborate further, but it is safe to say that he came under external pressure given that he had led the party almost unchallenged since December 2017.

In fact, friction has appeared between Golkar and the KIM ahead of the Nov. 27 regional elections. Golkar has finally allowed its cadre Ridwan Kamil to run for governor in Jakarta under the KIM’s banner, who will face tough competition if Anies Baswedan joins the race. But in Banten, Golkar has insisted on nominating its own politician, Airin Rachmi Diany, for governor, and on allying itself with the de facto opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), thus clashing with the potential candidacy of Gerindra politician Andra Soni.

A joke circulating on social media says Airlangga’s biggest mistake is not his implication in a corruption case related to cooking oil distribution or the disharmony he has caused within the KIM, but his loyalty to Jokowi. But whatever the motives behind Airlangga’s sudden resignation, the political drama only confirms that the country’s democracy is not doing well.

Before Golkar, the country’s second largest party after the PDI-P, smaller political parties had already fallen victim to the power play of the higher-ups. Democracy requires strong and credible political parties.

Airlangga said in his video statement that democracy must be taken care of and prevail, but Golkar has contributed to democratic backsliding in the country. Still, his remarks ring true that our democracy must grow as strong as a banyan tree.

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