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View all search resultsThailand and other ASEAN members may be tempted to treat the junta’s staged transition as a way out of the impasse. But normalization would reward the main driver of Myanmar’s regional crisis.
ecent regional security analyses suggest that a tactically resurgent Myanmar military and growing "fatigue" among member states could prompt ASEAN to normalize relations with the junta in Naypyidaw. However, this perspective fundamentally misdiagnoses the root cause of the region's instability.
While these analyses highlight recent junta military advances, they ignore the systemic decay hollowing out the Tatmadaw from within. The regime's manpower is increasingly an illusion; replacing decimated elite combat regiments and experienced commanders with forced conscripts, who are frequently drugged and deployed as human shields, severely degrades actual combat capability.
Furthermore, the catastrophic drop in Defense Service Academy applications reveals a total collapse in institutional prestige and voluntary Bamar support. Relying on indiscriminate airstrikes and expendable infantry is an unsustainable strategy for long-term victory.
Tactically, holding major towns in Chin and Sagaing is largely meaningless when adaptive resistance forces continually sever the military’s vital supply and support lines through guerrilla warfare. More importantly, the military’s brutal campaigns in central Myanmar have inadvertently forged an unprecedented socio-political alignment.
The shared trauma of daily atrocities has united the Bamar majority with historically marginalized ethnic minorities. This collective determination to dismantle the authoritarian center provides the necessary ideological bedrock for a genuine "Coming Together" federal movement. Driven by a unified demand for both self-rule and shared governance, the resistance will sustain a protracted war of attrition that the isolated military cannot ultimately win.
ASEAN cannot afford the luxury of "fatigue", because engaging the junta will not curb the explosion in transnational crime, it will only institutionalize it. Historically, illicit economies ranging from drug and human trafficking to forced illegal migration, are not accidental by-products of the current conflict. They are established mechanisms of survival for Myanmar’s military dictatorships.
Today, military-backed Border Guard Forces and allied militias actively facilitate the booming cyber-scam industry and organized crime syndicates that plague the region. Engaging the junta under the illusion of restoring order ignores the reality that the military frequently operates like a cartel, utilizing these illicit networks to bypass sanctions, generate revenue, and maintain its grip on power.
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