President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo is widely believed to have orchestrated the early exit of the seasoned Airlangga, which paved the way for up-and-comer Bahlil to lead the party. Both men have shown loyalty Jokowi, but the outgoing President wants to ensure Golkar is under the right person before he ends his second and final term on Oct. 20.

Bahlil, who served as investment minister before his recent appointment as energy minister, has worked hard to convince president-elect Prabowo Subianto that Golkar will be a reliable coalition partner under his leadership.

Airlangga’s exit, meanwhile, demonstrates that obedience and performance matter little if the government changes direction. Airlangga lost Golkar’s top job despite his devoted service as coordinating economic minister and work to ensure Indonesia’s consistent growth.

President Jokowi seems to demand absolute loyalty from members of his ruling coalition and to be willing to use all the instruments at his disposal, particularly law enforcement, to punish those who show signs of disobedience.

The most recent cabinet reshuffle, which saw the dismissal of two ministers linked to the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), is just one of many examples of Jokowi’s heavy-handedness during his 10 years at the country’s helm. Earlier this year, the NasDem Party lost two ministerial posts after it came out in support of opposition presidential candidate Anies Baswedan.

The object of Golkar’s loyalty, however, is not Jokowi, but power. Even if the outgoing President is awarded a respected post in the party, Golkar’s inherent pragmatism will cause it to shift allegiance to the new administration.

Established by former president Soeharto in 1964, Golkar is no stranger to adjusting to political change. Unsurprisingly, the ability to guarantee easy access to the ruler and financial resources is the most crucial requirement for aspiring Golkar chairs.

The party is undoubtedly the country’s best-organized. While other political parties are mostly controlled by individuals, Golkar is often compared to a publicly listed company. The CEO can come and go anytime according to shareholders’ wishes, who always demand a high return on investment.

Now, Golkar is facing an internal power struggle that will determine its survival ahead of the change of administration. Its politicians are focusing on how to secure influence in the next government, either in the cabinet or other strategic institutions. The first order of business is cozying up to president-elect Prabowo.

Prabowo, for his part, has promised to continue Jokowi’s policies, which is why his coalition is named after Jokowi’s Onward Indonesia Cabinet (KIM).

Prabowo’s proof of loyalty to Jokowi was his decision to pick the outgoing President’s son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, as his running mate. But like Golkar, Prabowo knows better than most that priorities can shift as power changes hands.

Just look at what happened last week after nationwide street protests forced the House of Representatives to drop its plan to revise the Regional Elections Law. Legislators had been trying to make changes that would enable Jokowi’s second son, Kaesang Pangarep, to run for governor of a province in November. Prabowo’s Gerindra Party was the first to announce its withdrawal from the revision plan, and Prabowo openly cautioned politicians against being “power hungry” at the cost of the people.

While Prabowo’s incentives to follow in Jokowi’s footsteps may change or even disappear, the temptation will be ever present to repeat Jokowi’s recipe of cementing his grip on national politics.

The recent turbulence in Golkar shows how weak political parties are to outside intervention. Let’s see if that changes in the next five years.