President Prabowo Subianto's efforts to strengthen the Indonesian Military (TNI) have included creating several new positions and agencies. While these changes are framed as a way to prepare for future strategic challenges, they have also sparked concerns.

Jakarta is right in pushing Kuala Lumpur to join hands in developing the disputed, mineral-rich maritime area located east of Borneo in the Sulawesi Sea. Though the latter does not appear to be all that keen about the idea, it has not completely rejected it.

Joao Angelo De Sousa Mota has abruptly stepped down as president director of PT Agrinas Pangan Nusantara after just six months, putting a spotlight on the Daya Anagata Nusantara (Danantara) Investment Management Agency’s role and commitment in the food estate program. At the heart of his resignation was frustration over what he described as Danantara’s failure to prioritize and adequately fund Agrinas Pangan, stalling the SOE’s work mandate to support President Prabowo Subianto’s goal of achieving national food sovereignty.

Gerindra, President Prabowo Subianto's political party, is the third largest in the country, trailing only behind the nation's oldest party Golkar and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P). For Gerindra to propel itself to the top in the 2029 elections, Prabowo must maintain his dual role as party chairman and the President.

Indonesia’s rice market is in turmoil, despite the government’s claim of holding the largest rice reserves in history. Prices continue to rise, consumers are paying more for lower-quality rice and the government’s response risks deepening the uncertainty. Its crackdown on rice businesses accused of producing oplosan rice, where medium-quality rice is mixed and sold as premium, is suspected of depleting supplies to retailers and driving up prices.

State-owned lender Bank Mandiri recently announced a major leadership shake-up to restructure both the Board of Commissioners (BoC) and Board of Directors (BoD). The changes come as lenders grouped in the Association of State-Owned Banks (Himbara) face mounting pressure from slowing financial performance, worsened by the banking industry's loan disbursement slowdown and increasing burdens from government-mandated programs.

The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has launched an investigation into alleged graft in the procurement of Google Cloud services by the former Education, Culture, Research and Technology Ministry under Nadiem Makarim. The antigraft body has also summoned former religious affairs minister Yaqut Cholil Qoumas for questioning in a separate case pertaining to the 2024 haj program.

The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) continues to be ambivalent in its stance toward President Prabowo Subianto’s administration, with party matriarch Megawati Soekarnputri declaring it is neither part of the coalition government nor in the opposition role.

The Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Center (PPATK) has officially reopened access to approximately 31 million bank accounts across 105 banks, following intense public backlash. These accounts had previously been frozen on the grounds of dormancy. According to the Financial Services Authority (OJK), 9,487 formal complaints regarding unprompted account freezes were received via its official platform, the APPK, as of July 14. Since this figure only includes submissions through one channel, the actual number of grievances reported directly to banks is likely much higher.

As the 80th anniversary of Indonesian independence approaches, a surprising symbol of nationalist pride has emerged. Instead of displaying the historic Red and White flag, a nationwide grassroots movement has citizens waving the flag of a fictional pirate group from the famous Japanese manga and anime series One Piece.

Indonesia’s poverty and unemployment rates continued to decline, according to data released by Statistics Indonesia (BPS) earlier this year. This progress is accompanied by a modest reduction in income inequality. However, these gains mask deeper structural issues as urban poverty rises and labor informality becomes more widespread, exposing more Indonesian workers to precarity.

Through a recent reciprocal trade agreement between the United States and Indonesia, the Indonesian government has officially recognized the US as a jurisdiction with “adequate data protection.” This designation creates a legal pathway for the transfer of personal data from Indonesia to the US, effectively sidestepping existing data localization requirements by treating US-based entities, including data brokers, as equivalent to Indonesian data operators. As the US remains the global center for data brokerage, experts warn that this move could legitimize the large-scale commercialization of Indonesian personal data.

ASEAN has come under heavy criticism for its failure to prevent war from erupting between Thailand and Cambodia, with a part of that blame leveled at Indonesia as the largest member of the regional group. The paralysis of ASEAN reveals the limits of diplomacy when it comes to resolving territorial disputes between members. Not surprisingly, Indonesia has not done much beyond appealing for restraint.

In a shocking twist to end the month, President Prabowo Subianto has decided to give legal clemency to both the secretary-general of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Hasto Kristiyanto, and former trade minister Thomas ‘Tom’ Trikasih Lembong for their respective graft convictions.

Danantara has secured a staggering US$10 billion in unsecured credit lines from 11 foreign banks and $7 billion in equity investments from sovereign wealth funds (SWFs), a remarkable feat for an institution that is less than six months old. Yet its rapid rise raises an important question: Is Danantara truly operating as a SWF to secure long-term prosperity for future generations, or is it functioning as a super holding company to execute President Prabowo Subianto’s ambitious programs?

Indonesia's political elite are once again pushing to alter the system for regional head elections (Pilkada), currently conducted through direct public voting. The proposed changes aim to shift the authority to elect local leaders back to regional legislative councils (DPRD) or even allow for direct presidential appointments. However, these discussions appear less like well-reasoned policy debates and more like atempts to gauge public reaction.

Indonesia is making bold moves on both the monetary and trade policy fronts—cutting its benchmark interest rate by 25 basis points to 5.25 percent and finalizing a landmark trade agreement with the United States. The deal eliminates 99 percent of Indonesia’s trade barriers on US industrial and agricultural products, lowering the US tariffs on Indonesian imports from 32 percent to 19 percent.

The resurgence of global trade uncertainty under United States President Donald Trump’s second term has prompted Indonesia and the European Union to resolve long-standing disputes and accelerate the conclusion of negotiations on the Indonesia-EU Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (IEU-CEPA), aiming to finalize the deal by September. However, significant hurdles remain, particularly Indonesia’s compliance with the EU’s anti-deforestation regulations.

Former president Joko "Jokowi" Widodo and the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI) have formed an alliance that aims to advance their respective interests in elite politics. While the PSI seeks to secure seats at the House of Representatives in the next general election, Jokowi appears to be carving out a political role so he can continue to wield influence after his presidency, particularly after he was dumped by his former party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).

The deal on tariffs between Indonesia and the United States, as announced by President Donald Trump last week, has put Indonesia on the good side of Washington, shifting its position in the current big power rivalry away from China, at least momentarily.

The government has pressed ahead with launching the Red and White Rural Cooperative (KDMP) as President Prabowo Subianto’s latest flagship economic initiative, despite the ongoing deliberation of the Cooperatives Law revision at the House of Representatives. July 21, 2025, witnessed the inauguration of 80,081 KDMPs nationwide with an aim to spur grassroots economic growth. However, the program’s design, which leverages village funds as collateral, poses risks not only to state finances but also to the broader goals of sustainable rural development.

Before the final verdict and sentence were handed down on July 18 in the sugar import graft trial, many had hoped the Jakarta Corruption Court would deliver a just decision. This did not turn out to be the case, and Thomas “Tom” Trikasih Lembong was convicted and handed a penalty of four years and six months in prison and a fine of Rp 750 million (US$46,000).

The deal’s agricultural component has drawn strong backlash, particularly from local dairy and poultry egg producers that are already struggling to compete with the scale and efficiency of US agribusiness.

The Constitutional Court's recent landmark decision to separate national and regional elections has created significant implications for legislatures, particularly the House of Representatives. In Decision No. 135/PUU-XXII/2024 issued on June 26, the court mandated that starting in 2029, national elections for president, vice president and members of the House and Regional Representative Council (DPD) are to be held 2 to 2.5 years prior to the elections for regional legislative councils (DPRD) and the heads of provincial, municipal and regency administrations.

The first phase of Nusantara Capital City (IKN) development has officially concluded, with the IKN Authority confirming it will receive Rp 48.8 trillion (US$3 billion) from the state budget to continue the project’s second phase through 2028. Although President Prabowo Subianto initially pledged to begin working from IKN starting August 2028, uncertainty looms, as he has yet to demonstrate genuine interest in relocating the nation’s capital.

Nine months into his job, Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka has finally been given a specific assignment: Oversee the acceleration of development in Papua, Indonesia’s easternmost region that is both resource-rich and among the most impoverished.

The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has uncovered a large-scale corruption case involving Bank Rakyat Indonesia (BRI), one of the country’s largest state-owned lenders. The scandal, estimated to involve hundreds of billions of rupiah, pertains to the procurement of electronic data capture (EDC) machines and implicates several former BRI executives. The case not only raises concerns about accountability within state-owned enterprises (SOEs) but also threatens to erode public trust in the financial sector, where SOEs play a dominant role.

After five months of intense speculation, Muhammad Riza Chalid, dubbed the “godfather of oil”, has been named as a suspect by the Attorney General’s Office (AGO) for his alleged role in a colossal Rp 285 trillion (US$17.4 billion) graft case. The scandal implicates subsidiaries of state-owned oil and gas holding company Pertamina as well as third-party contractors.

Indonesia’s economy is clearly losing momentum, with key indicators pointing to a broader slowdown. Economic growth dropped to 4.87 percent in the first half of 2025, down from 5.08 percent in the same period last year. In response, the government has introduced a series of stimulus packages to boost household spending but the measures may fall short, as both investment and business activity continue to weaken.

Two major Indonesian securities firms, NH Korindo Sekuritas and Trimegah Sekuritas, fell victim to cyberattacks in May. NH Korindo managed to fend off the attack before any funds were withdrawn, limiting the damage to operational disruptions. Trimegah, however, wasn’t as fortunate. Losing an estimate of Rp 200 billion (US$12.3 million) from the breach.